Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tsetung Thought: Part Three

Greetings,

My apologies for not posting in awhile. Maintaining an online presence through this blog has been difficult in the past several months due to circumstances that has been taking place. Maybe in the future this will be rectified, but I make no promises.

Anyways, I have returned to the issue of the Chinese Revolution, Mao Tse-Tung Thought in the context of Contemporary Marxist-Leninist Thought. As part of my research into the issue of Mao Tse-Tung Thought, I have read Enver Hoxha’s highly recommended book Imperialism and the Revolution, as it presents the issue of Maoism in the historical context of fighting against revisionism of all hues, particularly Krushchovite and Titoite revisionism. Even before reading Hoxha’s Imperialism and the Revolution, I had set out to collect as much material on the subject as I could find, especially sources from 1976-1979. In essence, I found myself examining the issues that were confronting the Communist Marxist-Leninist Movement at a critical time soon following Mao’s death and the events in China, in which the Chinese Social-Imperialists and Revisionists usurped political power in China. One of the other sources I am currently reading, is the response and comments of the RCP, USA to Hoxha’s book, entitled “Beat Back the Dogmato-Revisionist Attack on Mao Tsetung Thought” by J.Werner. Another source I am currently reading is Bob Avakian’s speech Conquer The World? The International Proletariat Must and Will. I am particulalry looking at the RCP’s publications on these questions because I want to familiarize myself with their arguments and counter-points.

As such, Enver Hoxha’s main focus in Imperialism and The Revolution, is to explain the context of the then present period in which the International Communist Marxist-Leninist Movement found itself among the contradictions of imperialism and the social-imperialists. The section in which Hoxha actually addresses Mao Tsetung is a small section, compared to the others, but within this context of fighting revisionism as part and parcel to waging the class struggle.

I’ve only just started to read the Werner article and Werner hardly addresses the context of which Hoxha is talking about, in fact he dismisses it out of hand as distortions, which he won’t address. Instead, he focuses on Hoxha’s third section entitled “Mao Tsetung Thought - An Anti-Marxist Theory”.

In any case, Hoxha and Werner both bring up the year 1935 and the individual Wang Ming. In fact when Hoxha brings up Wang Ming, it is only to quote Mao Tsetung in criticizing Stalin. So the question that comes to the fore is what was taking place in 1935? In China? In the Soviet Union? What was the international situation? Secondly what was the issue that was being dealt with? Who was Wang Ming and what was his role? No doubt, I know it from Werner’s, and the RCP’s, and even Mao Tsetung’s point of view, but neither do they sufficiently answer the question. Because I’ve not heard of Wang Ming, nor do i know what the issue was regarding this critical time period of the Chinese Revolution in 1935, nor any information of the stand of the Comintern, I will be researching more into these questions.

After doing some research on Wang Ming, I have found that the online journal Revolutionary Democracy carries some excellent articles regarding the Chinese Revolution, the Comintern and Georgi Dimitroff. Also among some sources I will be investigating are the reports that were submitted and published by the Executive Committee of the Communist International, during this time period. I am still in pursuit of some sources, but it has been very interesting exploring and investigating the events taking place. As a result of the 1979 arguments, I now find myself examining events and questions that were taking place leading up to 1935 and beyond.

So far this is the direction I am going, and will provide other thoughts and insight to these questions in a later post - hopefully.

Yours,
S R

* * * *

Resources:
Imperialism and The Revolution, Enver Hoxha, 1979

Revolutionary Democracy, Georgi Dimitrov and the Chinese Revolution
http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv2n2/dimitrov.htm

Revolutionary Democracy,Georgi Dimitrov and the United National Front in China 1936-1944
http://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv5n2/dimitrov.htm

Speech on the Chinese Question by Georgi Dimitrov
http://marxists.anu.edu.au/reference/archive/dimitrov/works/1937/china1.htm

CONQUER THE WORLD? The International Proletariat Must and Will by Bob Avakian
http://revcom.us/bob_avakian/conquerworld/

The Communist, Number 5, Beat Back the Dogmato-Revisionist Attack on Mao Tsetung Thought, by J. Werner, RCP Publications, 1979

Lesson from the Great October Socialist Revolution

My apologies this isn’t much of a post coming from me. Since I am away from the computer, I thought this was important to share. Bear in mind, although the article is from the standpoint of Indian context and conditions (of which I remain very ignorant of, but still learning about), it speaks volumes for the Communists abroad and in other countries on the necessity of their role and tasks in taking up organizing work for the fraternal unity of nations and peoples in their respective countries.

This article is from the Communist Ghadar Party of India.

Fraternally yours,

Joshua

* * * * *

Lesson from the Great October Socialist Revolution:
The Working Class must prepare to become the Ruling Class in order to ensure peace, prosperity and progress!

Ninety years ago, the workers and peasants of Russia became the masters of their country by carrying out a revolution which became known throughout the world as the Great October Socialist Revolution. This world historic act heralded sweeping changes in Russia and the whole world.

The imperialist powers of the world – US, Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Russia and others – were at that time embroiled in the First World War for the redivision of the world. The treacherous leaders of workers in different imperialist countries justified the imperialist war. They asked the workers to line up behind the bourgeoisie of their own countries, against the workers of other lands. The working class and the people of the imperialist countries and their colonies were made to pay with their blood for this war.

With the slogan “bread, land and peace”, Russia’s workers and peasants overthrew the Tsar, the rule of the capitalists and landowners, and established their own rule. The Bolshevik Party led by Lenin gave the call “war against war”. It led the workers, peasants and soldiers in converting the imperialist war into a revolutionary civil war ending with the victorious socialist revolution. The Russia ruled by workers and peasants withdrew from the imperialist war.

Capitalists and imperialists worldwide spewed venom at Russia’s workers and at the communists who organized and guided them in the struggle. They hurled all their forces to try to defeat the revolution and overthrow socialism. The workers and oppressed of the whole world applauded the victory of the workers and peasants of Russia. They intensified the struggle against “their own bourgeoisie” for the victory of the revolution in their own countries, and supported this same struggle all over the world.

The workers and peasants rule in Russia began to reorient the economy from the old one geared to fattening the pockets of capitalists and imperialists, to the new one geared to fulfilling the needs of the producers of wealth, the workers and peasants. The colonies groaning in the prison house called Russia were granted full freedom and a voluntary union of consenting nations and peoples was created, called the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). All the constituent nations and peoples of the USSR enjoyed the full right to self-determination.

Within a relatively short time the Soviet Union took giant strides in all fields of social endeavor. The incomparable superiority of the socialist system over the capitalist system was brought forth in stark relief before the whole world.

Poverty, unemployment, ill health, and illiteracy were eradicated in a very short period of time. The workers and peasants’ state ensured the emancipation of women, by enabling them to work and participate as equals with men in political and social life. The Soviet Union became the first country in the world that granted women the right to vote. Maternity leave was made a right – again for the first time in the world.

The State took on the responsibility of bringing up children, including providing them education, as well as care for the aged and the infirm. Free education and health care were provided to all. All the languages of the peoples were encouraged to be developed.

The Soviet Union became a beacon of peace, progress, prosperity, and enlightenment, for people the world over. The 1936 Constitution of the Soviet Union remains todate the most advanced constitution world over in terms of affirming human, democratic and national rights.

The strength and superiority of socialism, of the rule of workers and peasants, was revealed before the people of the whole world during the Second World War. When Hitler’s hordes invaded the Soviet Union, the people united as one to resist and eventually defeat this onslaught. Despite suffering the greatest human and material losses of the War, the Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to the liberation of Europe, and the world, from Nazi fascism.

The world’s first socialist state is no more. Sixteen years ago, the open rule of capital was formally reestablished in Russia and other republics of the former Soviet Union. The capitalists and imperialists of the whole world rejoiced at the downfall of socialism in the Soviet Union. Today, Russia is an imperialist country, where workers and peasants are savagely exploited, and unemployment, prostitution, drugs and other evils of capitalism are flourishing.

We communists have been studying why and how capitalism returned to the Soviet Union and other countries. We must ensure that when the working class comes to power in India, we remember each and every one of the lessons learnt from this study of the successes and subsequent downfall of the Soviet Union. The class struggle must continue, and mechanisms put in place to ensure that political power remains in the hands of workers and peasants.

The degeneration of socialism in the Soviet Union began in the fifties of the twentieth century, with Nikita Khrushchev coming to the head of the Bolshevik Party after the death of JV Stalin. Khrushchev refused to address a number of problems in the fields of political theory, philosophy and political economy, which emerged at that time. Instead he supervised the transformation of the socialist Soviet Union into a social imperialist country – a country that was socialist in words, but capitalist and imperialist in deeds.

It attacked Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan, and contended and colluded with the US for world domination. The Soviet Union, increasingly, was no longer the source of inspiration it had once been to the workers and oppressed of the world. The economy was reoriented towards militarization and achieving global imperialist aims of a new emerging bourgeoisie. Within the Soviet Union, Great Russian chauvinism was encouraged and national oppression of various nations and peoples was restored.

All this was carried out in the name of communism and the working class, which was systematically marginalized from the political system and process. The militarized and crisis-ridden economy could not satisfy the needs of the populace. At the same time, the new bourgeoisie which had emerged over the years was impatient to get rid of the shell of socialism which was hampering its growth. In these conditions, the bourgeoisie rode on the discontent of the working masses to dismantle this shell, and restore capitalism.

Ever since the victory of the workers of Russia 90 years ago, the principal aim of capitalists and imperialists around the world has been to destroy socialism and to prevent the triumph of proletarian revolutions. With the destruction of socialism in the Soviet Union and some other countries, world imperialism regained the initiative. Revolution went into retreat.

However, the fundamental contradiction of the epoch remains between capitalism, the old system, and socialism the new. The contradictions between capital and labour, between imperialism and the peoples, as well as the inter-imperialist contradictions are all sharpening.

The workers and oppressed peoples and nations of the world are waging fierce struggles against globalization, liberalization and privatization, against imperialism, fascism and imperialist war. It is a matter of time before the tide of revolution changes from ebb into flow. Communists must prepare the conditions so that when the tide turns in the favour of revolution, the working class comes to power.

In the period since the end of the Cold War, the question of democratic renewal has come to the fore in India as well as in other capitalist countries. It has become clear that the system of rule in a majority of countries including India, the parliamentary system of representative democracy, keeps the working class and broad masses of people out of power. The working class and people are showing everywhere that they are not satisfied with a political system that marginalizes them.

Replacing this representative democracy by direct democracy, in tune with the conditions of India is the challenge facing the workers and peasants of India. Blocking this transition are the bourgeoisie and imperialism, as well as political parties that represent their interests. Building the alternative, direct democracy, is the task that communists and workers and peasants of India have taken up. This struggle for democratic renewal, for replacing representative democracy with direct democracy, is the form in which the contradiction between capitalism and socialism is being played out at this time.

As we mark the 90th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the challenge facing India’s working class and communists is clear. The rule of the bourgeoisie needs to be replaced by the rule of workers and peasants. Only then will India march on the road of peace, prosperity and progress for her people! The struggle for democratic renewal — the struggle of the working class led by the Communist party to replace representative democracy with direct democracy — is opening the way to the establishment of the rule of workers and peasants on Indian soil.

http://www.cgpi.org/pages/latest/0710030-Great_October_Socialist%20Revolution.aspx

Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-Tung Thought: Part Two

The aim of this blog entry is to raise some questions that have come up in the course of researching and investigating Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (Mao Tse-Tung Thought) versus contemporary Marxist-Leninist Thought.

On May 1, 2007 while taking part in the NYC immigrant anti-war demonstrations and march I got to meet and talk with a member/supporter of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA.  I had hundreds of Voice of Revolution (VOR) newspapers which I was distributing, carrying them in my shoulder bag and my alice backpack.  I was also carrying one of the USMLO flags which was strapped to my alice pack as I was distributing. In any case, as time wore on I was getting a bit exhausted.  The march itself was dwindling out near Foley Square about late in the evening [It started out from Union Square in the afternoon] and I decided to sit down for a bit.  I found a sidewalk bench not too far away and I sat down next to a man who just happened to be sitting there. 

He looked like he was in his forties, had greyish hair and wore glasses.  He was wearing the black “Wanted” T-shirts that many members and supporters of RCP were wearing. He apparently saw the red USMLO flag because as I sat down he asked if I was associated with the organization. I said yes and handed him a VOR in which he looked at briefly and then kindly thanked me for it.  We then had a brief conversation. 

Two main questions came out of this discussion, both of which address the theory of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-Tung Thought.  In the course of discussion, he asked me why I didn’t accept Maoism and also asked “didn’t at one time your organization used to be Maoist?” The answers to which I gave I felt were less than satisfactory, not very well-stated nor thought out to assist with his inquiry.  It also revealed the dullness of my knowledge concerning ideological theory and communist history. It was a sensible question. It is true that many organizations during the 1960s and 70s described themselves as Maoist in their theory and their work.  So what happened that some organizations broke with Maoism altogether during the 1970s and 80s - in particular organizations that now base their ideology and organizing work on Marxism-Leninism and not Marxism-Leninism-Maoism?  Although this is essentially the question he had asked me, it was also my desire to understand this question as well and the question I was in fact slowly up until this time investigating for myself. 

The other question centered on the question of Mao’s criticism of Stalin.  Up until this point, I had read only one book by Bob Avakian - “Phony Communism is Dead Long Live Real Communism”.  I had a question concerning a section of Chapter One entitled “Mechanical ‘Historical Materialism’ and Dialetical ‘Historical Materialism’ “ - a section that dealt with the need to fight revisionism and opportunism, especially in the aftermath of the US imperialist war in the Persian Gulf in 1990 and the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. (In fact this entire book is a response to that particular period of the collapse of the bipolar division of the world and the continuation of revolution in retreat) Here is the passage I am referring to:

“Stalin was on the right side in these struggles both in the sense that his line, as opposed to the others, was consistent with and the ‘logical extension’ of Lenin’s position and, more fundamentally, because of Stalin’s (and lenin’s) line corresponded to reality* Whatever errors Stalin did make in implementing this strategic orientation — and he did make a number of errors, some of them quite serious (even grievous), as we have already summed up — nevertheless on this fundamental point of forging ahead with the building of socialism in the Soviet Union he was correct, and in practice he did lead the masses in the Soviet Union in carrying out socialist transformation and construction.”

(Avakian, Phony Communism is Dead, page 7

My question for my RCP friend - what was Avakian referring to when he wrote on the “grievous errors” of Stalin?  The only indication I could find in Avakian’s book was a footnote on the previous page on how Stalin dealt with the issue of “Socialism in One Country” a bit critically (another point worth investigating). Other than that I could not find anything else that pointed to Stalin’s “grievous errors”.  In fact the book leaves the question open. 

When I asked my newly acquainted friend about this question, I accidently attibuted Mao’s criticism of Stalin’s “errors” as “crimes”.  He corrected me on this and responded to my question that Mao in a speech quoted Stalin on the theory of classes. That is, Stalin advocated that a classless society could exist in one country, or that socialism in one country could lead to the elimination of classes, or something to that affect (I cannot remember the exact wording of how this response was presented).  He also said that Mao was citing a speech that Stalin gave in 1939. Furthermore, he said that Avakian does talk on these things in other publications and recordings.  Unfortunately, our conversation abruptly ended with an interruption from another person who was admiring the USMLO flag.  My newly acqainted friend told me he had to get going and that it was great talking with me.  We said goodbye and shook hands.  Then he left. 

So as part of my investigation, I would like to find when and where Mao makes this citation from Stalin and his criticism of it, along with the actual 1939 speech that Stalin gave on the theory of classes.  I was told that on Bob Avakian’s website, he has recordings, which when I have time will look for.  Currently, I am reading a 1978 speech by Bob Avakian entitled “The Loss in China and The Revolutionary Legacy of Mao Tsetung” that was given at the Mao Tse-Tung Memorial Meetings concerning the October 1976 revisionist coup in China. 

The other part of my research is to also understand the parties and organizations who were affected by events taking place in China at the time and how that has affected their position on Mao Tse-Tung, his theoretical contributions, etc. This includes the analysis by Enver Hoxha, Party of Labour of Albania, and Hardial Bains, Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist). I am in the process of gathering information on this critical period. 

Since I was born in 1978 and grew up mainly in the 1980s without so much of a clue as to what was taking place around me, most of these arguments, stances, etc, no longer speak to current conditions today.  It reminds me of Comrade Sandra of CPC(M-L) who said that solutions come from the present, not by bringing up past controversies.  Ever since my conversation with this RCP member/supporter I felt there is an urgency for Communists to communicate with one another and address the problems facing us today and together.  One of the unfortunate features of the Communist movement in the U.S. is the factionalism and its splitting consequences.  There is no doubt that the state had its role in shattering and discouraging unity among the progressive forces, but it is also time for communists and the progressive forces to unite a political basis for unity and to provide leadership and coherence to the working class and people to fight for their self-emancipation from capital rule and dictate.

In a later post, I will try to address the former question in more detail. I will aslo keep those interested posted on what I find out regarding the speeches of Mao and Stalin.  

To be continued…

Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse-Tung Thought: Part One

The aim of this blog entry is to raise some questions that have come up in the course of researching and investigating Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (Mao Tse-Tung Thought) versus contemporary Marxist-Leninist Thought.

My ignorance on the Chinese Revolution, the Great Leap Forward, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the theory of Mao Tse-Tung Thought has been my starting points - points that need to be addressed if any formulation of opinion is to follow. 

A reading of Comrade Raven’s excellent blog on the need for a new Communist International on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, and the subsequent comments that followed, I realized that I was sleeping on the various trends and movements that is currently taking form and shape in the world. The issue of a new Internationale is a vital and critical issue as it presents before the Communists overcoming the split in the International Communist Movement and taking up the task of uniting and organizing the communists and the progressive forces, along with the main and central task of uniting and organizing the working class and peoples of all countries. How can this be done without an inkling of the various movements taking place now?  Of course there are many trends and many movements taking place now, remniscient of the period of the First International.  Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, or rather Mao Tse-Tung Thought is only part of that.  In any case, I’ve chosen to become more acquainted with Maoism.

After reading Comrade Raven’s “The Internationale Shall be the Human Race”  I began researching a bit on the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM).  Along with finding out more about RIM and its role, I also started to read some writings of Mao Tse-Tung, although historical reference and context is still largely missing.  In addition I’ve been trying to find more literature by the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA (RCP), whose theoretical ideology is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the U.S.

For quite awhile I have been following and reading RCP’s “Revolution” the tabloid-sized publication that I receive from having attended numerous anti-war demonstrations. I also receive their updates online.  I have somewhat of mixed feelings on their views.  I do look forward to reading what they have to say - and the stances they take regarding the war and imperialism is a very positive stand. I appreciate the stands that they take on war, imperialism, the need for socialism and communism. They have an eloquent and simple way of getting their view and points across which I find to be extremely helpful.  I am not always in agreement with the conclusions they draw however. With the realization of the need for a new International and a new society based on modern definitions, I find it important and necessary for me to investigate more into Mao Tse-Tung Thought, not only from the works of Mao, Bob Avakian and the RCP, but also from the works of Enver Hoxha, Hardial Bains and the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist).

To be continued…